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Media Noise
On the other side of the conflict are the majority of the citizens of Tsarevo. They stand behind the former mayor G. Kostadinov, who resigned in September 2001 because of the impossibility to work together with the majority of the members of the Municipal Council. Despite his popular support, he stands on the sidelines of political quarrels and the civic dissatisfaction has begun to consolidate itself within the structures of the so-called ”Initiative Committee.” According to the people, the Group of Ten has only made the city’s problems worse, and the only thing that is certain is that their machinations with municipal real estate will continue. A series of protests were organized, and the last one, on 21 October 2001, was met with a rough display of police violence. After that it became clear to the citizens of Tsarevo that ”The regional governor is one of them [of the Group of Ten],” as one local restaurant owner commented. Citizens of many small towns have this same kind of mistrust for the central administration. In the case of Tsarevo, however, where there is also deep distrust of local authorities, the rumors about the refugee camp, combined with the lack of any official information, drove people to real paranoia. People think that someone is trying to trick them. They feel like they have been the victims of one attempt after another by the local politicians to keep them out of the loop. Moreover, the hysteria is fueled by the profoundly contradictory statements of some of the authorities here, such as the regional governor, as well as by the silence of those organs that should have been responsible for explaining things to the people. Things became even more absurd when the local authorities, controlled by the Group of Ten, announced that they had gained access to one of the government’s ”Secret Plans.” They meant the Plan for Action in the Unexpected Event of Masses of People Arriving to Seek Refuge in the Republic of Bulgaria. This plan, however, is not the least bit secret. Upon my insistence, the former mayor agreed to comment upon the situation. He told me that, ”The problem stems from the fact that things were not explained to the people on time. Because of a poor understanding of the word ‘secret,’ and perhaps also because of fear of the people’s reaction, the central and local organs provided contradictory explanations. On top of that, we saw the combination of some attempts to cover up information with this never-ending syndrome of media sensations. The one good thing that came out of this was that the local authorities then turned to the Initiative Committee for help. But this also showed the weakness of those authorities.” The mayor’s final sentence was a reference to the local authorities’ attempts to seek support from the people and from the Initiative Committee. According to citizens, however, the authorities’ behavior was actually an attempt to build up credibility just before the upcoming mayoral elections. The essence of the problem with the possible building of a refugee camp in Tsarevo was explained to me by a resident of Vasiliko - the neighborhood closest to the now-closed army base that is the planned site of the ”secret plan’s” refugee camp. He said, ”Every summer the same vacationers come to our town for the season. They come here for the security, the comfort, and that is what we give them. They come to be free for a while. They walk around naked, because they know us and the other vacationers well. Czech girls in monokinis! This is no place for a camp - not even a temporary one.” Another resident added that the army base was also a problem in its time, and that they were glad when the soldiers left the town. The former army base would indeed be difficult to transform into an appropriate camp. The facilities have been stripped, and it would be impossible to make the base ready for refugees in the real event of an unexpected and urgent situation. Only one of the buildings has windows, the plumbing is primitive, and the installations for heat and hot water have been stripped. Because of the recent scandals surrounding the facilities, their condition is well known. What is interesting, however, to wonder about the facilities in other cities that are intended for use in the Plan for Extreme Situations - what conditions are they in? Are they in any better shape for possible refugee situations than the army base in Tsarevo is, or is someone just pulling one over on us again? By Svilen Ovcharov, |
Daniel Kolev, - Mr. Kolev, when did you hear about the plan to build a refugee camp in Tsarevo for the first time? - Did you seek official information from the relevant organs? - Do the local authorities understand that this is not really a question of a refugee camp, but rather a question about a plan for action that will only be implemented in an extreme situation? As you probably know, the crisis in Afghanistan has almost passed... - Have you noticed any difficulty communicating with the central administration before now? - Don’t you think that all the hoopla that has been raised over this issue might actually work against Tsarevo as a vacation resort? - But another side suffers from all this hoopla. It has created an image of refugees as a threat to tourists. Do you think that some residents of Tsarevo have xenophobic attitudes? - According to the citizens of Tsarevo, the local authorities told them this plan was confidential. You said the same thing at a press conference in Burgas on 23 January. * Editor’s note: the stamp ”For Internal Use” has a completely different use from the stamp ”Confidential.” |